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Vol. 19 December 21, 1918 No. 22 



BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION 
TO VICTORY 

An Address By 
PROFESSOR LYNN HAROLD HOUGH 




PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY 

NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY 

Northwestern University Building 
CHICAGO 



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The Lindgren Foundation of 
Northwestern University 

The address here published was delivered before 
the Chicago Association of Commerce on "British 
Day," December 7, 1918, by Professor Lynn Harold 
Hough, who was sent to Great Britain by North- 
western University on a speaking tour to interpret 
to the British people American ideals and purposes 
in the war. This is the first message of Professor 
Hough to America as a result of his visit to Britain. 

The Lindgren Foundation of Northwestern Uni- 
versity was established in 1909 by Mr. John R. 
Lindgren, then a trustee of the university, who do- 
nated $25,000 to the institution for the "promotion 
of international peace and furtherance of interde- 
nominational harmony and the intimate unity of 
Christendom." The purposes of the Foundation 
are accomplished through conferences, public lec- 
tures, and competitive studies in colleges and sec- 
ondary schools. 

In response to many requests and because it is 
felt that the aims of the Foundation will be fur- 
thered thereby, this address is published in this 
form. 



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"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 

By Professor Lynn Harold Hough 

During" the earlier part of our participation in this war, most of 
us were so busy being conscious of the contribution America must 
make that we thought of scarcely anything else. Perhaps for the 
time being it was allowable, as we mobilized the physical, moral and 
spiritual resources of the United States ; as we thought of what we 
must give and of what we must do, perhaps it was allowable that for 
the time we should forget, at least, that for the time we should cease 
to emphasize the immortal sacrifice of France, the audacious, splen- 
did daring of Italy, the organized and completely masterful defiance 
of Great Britain to the foe. 

Perhaps it was well that just at that time this nation, which had 
been a series of multitudinous fragments, unorganized into cohesive 
unity, should have such a compelling sense of the new oneness it had 
attained, of that spiritual consciousness of American solidarity, that 
that one experience should fill its mind. Perhaps it is not strange 
that at that time the fathers who were seeing their sons cross the sea 
should be busy thinking of that and saying to themselves : 

"Our hands and our boy's hands are joined in a grip unbroken, 
Though they fight in far stern lands, 'mid tragedies unspoken." 

Perhaps it was natural that they should be so busy with that 
thought of giving, that they should forget to think of other lands. 
Perhaps it was natural for the American mother sitting, in her home 
and thinking of her boy in France, to say to herself, 

"Your eyes are shining in my heart tonight ; 

Are they shining bright in France? 

Your face is glowing with courageous light ; 

Is it strong and firm in France? 

I sit lonely in a still, dark night, 

But I fight with you in France." 

Perhaps it was natural that she should be so busy then with the 
gift of her own son that she would not be busy thinking of the con- 
tribution of other lands. 

But now we have come to the moment of quiet getting ot perspec- 
tive after peace has come, and now we have a right to forget even 
that glorious and noble self-consciousness of a great people girding 
themselves for a mighty task. We have a right to look out and see 
what we have owed, what we do owe to the other nations participat- 
ing- with us*and before us in this war. 



4 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETIN 

Today we are to think about the contribution of Great Britain, 
and I am very glad that the chairman struck the note which I want 
to be my note, of a serious consideration of some things Americans 
have been all too likely to forget, for I am not here this afternoon to 
attempt any verbal gymnastics, or any tortuous phrases, which by 
their unusual depth and skill will tickle your fancy or touch your 
imagination. I am not here to attempt any flights of vivid and emo- 
tional oratory, which by the mere sweeping movement of their dyna- 
mic force shall set your hearts beating faster. The thing I would 
like to do this afternoon is to consider very frankly some of those 
things which are basal for a true understanding of what Great Brit- 
ain has done, and for a true understanding of the place Britain and 
America are to take together in coming days. 

The first contribution which Great Britain made to the victory 
was the contribution of the character of the British empire. 

There has been a very subtle and a very deadly propaganda in 
America which had as its objective making us misunderstand the 
British Empire, and there is inside the United States a certain type 
of man who insists that, if he will have to give up loving Germany, 
he at least will hate Great Britain until he dies. Now, sometimes 
that man is a man of sincerity, who does not understand the facts. It 
is very important, because of insidious remarks which he is making 
and the intellectual confusion which he is disseminating, that we 
should face the facts. 

Now, the fundamental thing we need to understand is that the 
British Empire is in the profoundest sense a democracy, and that as 
a democracy it went into the war ; that Great Britain is not a mon- 
archy in any sense which defeats or antagonizes the profoundest 
ends of democracy. 

King George is the symbol of the national solidarity, he is the 
human flag of Great Britain. Now, we would die for our flag, but 
nobody ever thought of giving the flag the right to vote. We would 
not allow anybody to insult our flag, but nobody ever supposed that 
the flag could draft a constitution. We love our flag, but the flag is 
the symbol of the nation's solidarity, and that, and no more, glorious- 
ly vivified in splendid human manhood, is King George. 

Then we need to understand that the history of the British Em- 
pire, certainly since the eighteenth century, has been a history con- 
stantly approximating an understanding of the position of people in 
various parts of the empire, and giving them the fullest self-govern- 
ment as rapidly as they were capable of functioning in that regard. 

I don't need to tell you Canadian friends who are here this after- 
noon that the dominion of Canada has not paid one cent of taxation 



"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 5 

to the imperial treasury of Great Britain since it has existed as a 
dominion. 

The dominion of Canada represents something profoundly signi- 
ficant when you think of men who have been telling us that the Brit- 
ish Empire is an instrument of tyranny. Now, imagine that great 
dominion not paying one cent taxation to the treasury of Great 
Britain during its history, and not coerced to send one soldier to this 
great war ! And when you face a fact like that, you begin to under- 
stand what is the genius of Great Britain. 

When you look at South Africa, and think of that great South 
African group of states, with a situation that would parallel, what 
it would have meant' for us if Robert E. Lee had been president of 
the United States within ten years of the close of the civil war, you 
begin to understand the largeness and the generosity of the govern- 
mental methods of the British Empire. And when you see the fash- 
ion in which South Africa stoodi loyal at the moment of fullest op- 
portunity to secure revenge, if revenge were desired after the South 
African war, you begin to understand that there is some quality in 
the British Empire which captures the afifection even of people who 
have been lately foes. 

Now, there have been some people who are willing to admit this 
sort of thing, who have tried to insist that after" all Great Britain in 
its interior activity is not democratic. Now, of course, the truth is 
that Great Britain is more democratic, politically, than the United 
States of America. There are two points at which Great Britain is 
more democratic than the United States. I say this not to praise 
Great Britain and not to condemn the United States, because, as I 
shall show in a moment, I think perhaps there is something to be said 
for our method. 

But if by democracy you mean the speed with which people real- 
ize their will, just observe this : You can have a piece of legislation 
passed by congress, by the senate and signed by the president, and 
then a tiny group of men in Washington, in the name of a clause in 
our written constitution, can nullify the will of the people as ex- 
pressed in legislation all down the years, unless we go through the 
slow and laborious and difficult process of amending the constitu- 
tion. And there is no power which can defeat the final action of the 
parliament of Great Britain. 

Of course, sometimes when people get their way too quickly 
they get their mood instead of their will, so perhaps we are for- 
tunate; but at least it is clear that an empire constructed in that 
fashion is tremendously democratic. 

Now, it is also true that if Great Britain were to become sud- 
denly impatient with Lloyd George's leadership, it would be possible 



6 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETIN 

to have a vote of want of confidence in the house of commons ; it 
would be possible, if he thought after the vote of confidence that the 
country would back him, to appeal to it, and in a very few weeks 
the country would have pronounced for or against the administra- 
tion. We are helpless until the end of four years after we elect a 
president. 

Now, again, there may be something to be said for that helpless- 
ness. It may give the administration fuller opportunity. There 
may be times when Mr. Lloyd George would be perfectly willing to 
labor under the burden that our president carries at that particular 
point. But however that may be, those two points taken right out 
of the contemporary situation of the British government illustrate 
the fashion in which the will of the people is secured more immedi- 
ately in Great Britain than in the United States. So that if by de- 
mocracy you mean the speed with which the people realize their will, 
Great Britain is at present politically more democratic than is the 
United States of America. 

There are some people who have admitted all that, and who then 
state, "After all, Great Britain is the great economic danger of the 
world." And there were some people in the earlier vocal days of 
the pro-German group in America who insisted after all Germany 
went into the war fighting for commercial breathing room. Now, 
that sounded awfully impressive until some of us began to investi- 
gate a little, and we discovered that in the summer of 1914, in spite 
of the intolerable menace of the British navy, in the summer of 1914 
Germany was underselling Great Britain in the city of London in 
certain staple products. And we discovered that before 1914, in the 
statistical reports of particular colonies of the British empire, this 
year and that year, that Germany sold more materials to a British 
colony than did the mother country. 

Now, if anybody knows what under heaven the British navy was 
doing in the way of stifling the commercial life of Germany when 
Germany was underselling Britain in British colonies, I am per- 
fectly willing to be enlightened. Well, I think perhaps I have said 
enough to indicate what I mean when I say that the first great con- 
tribution of Great Britain to victory was the character of Great 
Britain. 

Of course, somebody here is saying "Ireland" under his breath. 
Well, I will say "Ireland" out loud, and I will deal with that prob- 
lem in just a few sentences and pass it by. The problem in Ireland 
has not been for a number of years the problem of what the British 
government was willing to give. The problem has been the problem 
of what Ireland was willing to receive. I think that one epigram 
goes to the very heart of the situation. The whole assumption of 



"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 7 

the people who want the United States to interfere in that problem 
is an assumption that Ireland is suffering because of something the 
British government will not give, when the poor, nervous British 
government would give almost anything if the united Ireland would 
only take it. 

When I was in Ireland a few weeks ago, before the war had 
come to an end, getting better things to eat there than I could get 
anywhere in England, because Ireland was ignoring the food regu- 
lations, with Sinn Feiners treasonably practicing the manual of arms, 
watching that island almost plunging into a kind of anarchy because 
of the patient, grandmotherly attitude of the British government, it 
seemed to me that at last the particular type of wrong Ireland is 
crying out about today would perish in the laughter of the nations. 
Now, there is no doubt in the world that in the past Ireland suffered 
wrong and grave wrong, but the nineteenth century saw the end of 
any technically or really large wrong suffered on the part of Ireland, 
and today the problem is a problem of an Ireland incapable of mak- 
ing up its mind, and not the problem of a Great Britain unready to 
give it what it really desires. 

It would be perfectly possible for me to go on and talk about the 
crown colonies and other things, and perfectly possible to deal with 
every one of those things, at least to my own satisfaction, in respect 
of the profound idealism of the British empire. Of course, as Prof. 
Wrong, of Toronto university, is fond of saying, there is really no 
such thing as the British empire. There is the British common- 
wealth, which is a great organism of free peoples, and of people 
under tutelage in process of becoming free. Now, the genius of 
that empire is obvious and we need to see it. A nation living by 
formal logic would treat with everybody and for everybody in a 
mathematical way all at once, but Britain, with the true psychology 
of common sense, treats every group according to the pedagogy re- 
quired by its own state of development. The truth of the matter is 
that one of the differences structurally between Germany and Great 
Britain is at this point. 

Suppose I characterize France and Germany and Great Britain 
from the standpoint of this analysis. France represents idealism 
and mathematical logic, and the reason France had so much trouble 
a little while ago was because when a Frenchman makes up his mind, 
he is so gloriously loyal he wants to do everything after breakfast 
the first morning, and not wait. France is idealism plus mathe- 
matical logic. And Germany since 1870 has been unethically 
efficient, with a mathematical logic, so that the difference between 
Germany and France was that France harnessed its logic to ideal- 



8 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETIN 

ism, and Germany harnessed its logic to efficiency. And Great Brit- 
ain is idealism harnessed to common sense. 

That, of course, is the reason why the typical British man in the 
ruling class is so often inconsistent, and so gloriously successful with 
his inconsistency, for he has a perfect way of doing the thing which 
mathematically is the wrong thing, but psychologically is the right 
thing. And really, the hope of the world is in combining idealism 
and shrewd practical strategy after some such fashion, as it has been 
done in the British empire. And so I say, concluding my first point, 
that the first great contribution of Great Britain to victory was the 
character of the British empire itself. 

Now I come to a thing regarding which I must speak in a more 
personal and intimate way. The second contribution of Great Brit- 
ain was its gift of sacrifice and heroic courage during four years of 
war. On September the first of this year, when I stood on the deck 
of the Carmania, and we steamed out of New York harbor, and we 
could see a few other transport ships, somebody said, "We are ship- 
ping forty thousand American boys over to the other side" ; and as 
the bands played, "We Are Coming Over", and the thrill of the 
crusade of America into the old world's conflict swept over and 
over and over me, again and again, it seemed to me that that was 
typically the supremest thing in American life. 

A little later I was able to see, as I went over the statistics, that 
America had in Europe about two million fighting men ; that Amer- 
ica had training in America about a million more. Suppose that 
every one of the two million American boys who crossed over to 
Europe, and every one of the one million in training in America, had 
either been killed or had died of disease or been wounded or been 
incapacitated through disease, every one of them, that would have 
represented a smaller casualty list than that of the British empire. 

And yet, there were cynical Americans, who a little earlier were 
saying that Britain was ready to fight out this war to the last French- 
man. What a small sacrifice in numbers ours has been, though the 
sacrifice, of course, of any life is priceless ; and when I attempt to 
visualize that 3,048,000 casualty list, it staggers my imagination. 
Well, I had some help on the other side in making it real. One day 
I was in the National Liberal club, talking to a couple of English 
public men. One of them, as we sat there, took out of his pocket a 
little photograph of the son of his who had gone over to France to 
fight and had not come back. Again and again I was entertained 
over week ends in English homes, with that rare and exquisitely 
gracious hospitality which England knows so well how to give, and 
which has been given with such ample generosity to the Americans 
in the recent days, — every time almost before the week end was over, 



"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 9 

I would be taken into some room ; perhaps there would be a medal, 
perhaps one or two photographs, and then I would hear the story of 
this boy who had gone to France and would not come back. Alaybe 
there was the prize that he had won in one of England's great uni- 
versities. Maybe there was a letter from some great teacher with 
a great reputation, saying that this boy had it in him to become a 
scholar whose name would have been known all over the world. 

Why, when I think of the mental and moral and spiritual power 
poured out in this rare gift of young English manhood, it seems as 
if the mother of the nations must weep with an undying sorrow at 
such a sacrifice. That has been Great Britain's terrible contribution 
to victory. On the day when King George was going to St. Paul's 
for the thanksgiving service after the conclusion of the armistice, 
I was in the office of a great London weekly on Fleet street, chat- 
ting with my friend the editor. We stood, one at each of the two 
windows of that particular office, as the king and queen drove down 
Fleet street amid the cheering of the people on each side; and as 
they passed, I turned to my friend. There Avas a light in his eye, 
and his face glowed. Then in a moment the light darkened, and a 
look of unutterable sadness came upon his face, and he said, "Well, 
you know, my friend, after all this is a very hard day for me. That 
boy of mine who died in France would be nineteen today if he were 
alive." 

And so joy and sorrow, the gladness of victory and the pain of 
renunciation, met in that day. What has been the price ? I was in 
the office of a well-known public man in London. He motioned me 
quietly to watch his typewriter, and I looked over and noticed in a 
moment that the man who was his secretary was absolutely blind. 
He had learned to operate the machine, and he was doing eflfective, 
careful work as the secretary of this English public man. And I sat 
there in the chair for a moment beside this man, with his fingers 
moving easily upon the machine, and I tried to think and feel my 
way through that one man's gift of sight for liberty ; oh, the unut- 
terable pang and tragedy that that man must bear there, and that 
ever men must have their eyes torn out to make the world a world 
fit to live in. 

And those are the gifts that many a man of Britain has made, 
three million of them and more on this great casualty list, with such 
an enthusiasm and such a dauntless purpose. 

One night I was riding in a railroad train from Southampton to 
London, and for a good part of the way I was alone in the compart- 
ment with a very wonderful young British aviator, and as he told 
me of all that he had gone through and suffered, and of his eager- 
ness to go back to flying again, the passion, the quiet power, the 



10 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETI^ 

devotions, the energy of that man filled me with a sort of enthusi- 
asm as deep as the very sources of human inspiration. Well, I tried 
at last to say the thing before I left England, to say it in some way 
which I could leave behind with a friend of mine who was an editor 
of one of the weeklies, and it came out something like this : 

SEEING ENGLAND 

I. 

On a train for London bound, 

While the wheels moved round and round, 

Gliding swiftly on the rails. 

Whispering untranslated tales 

Of men traveling up and down. 

Of the vast mysterious town, 

I beheld a lad's bright face, 

With its haunting fresh young grace, 

With its joy of unused power. 

With youth's happy, magic dower. 

As if God had smiled with joy, 

Giving to the world this boy. 

Now his face was set for France, 

And his eyes flashed like a lance, 

Eager, dauntless, strong and bright. 

Ready for the last hard fight, 

I saw the hope of England. 

II. 
On a dull, gray winter's day, 
When cold winds went forth to play. 
When the streets were dark and chill, 
And life lost its quickening thrill, 
I beheld a man's hard face. 
Like a runner in a race, 
Rigid, tense, and sternly strong. 
For endurance hard and long. 
There was heartbreak in his eyes, 
And a cruel pained surprise. 
At life's tragic tides of grief, 
Wave on wave without relief. 
Yet his purpose as a fire, 
Leaping, flaming ever higher. 
Through his solid self-control. 
Pierced its way into my soul. 
I saw the strength of England. 

IIL 

By a dim lamp's flickering light 
On a London street at night. 
While the war, a huge black cloud, 
Wrapped the city like a shroud, 
I beheld a woman's face, 
Stern and sad, yet full of grace. 
In her deep and tragic eyes 
I saw sorrows' mysteries. 
Yet beneath the poignant pain 
I could feel a sense of gain, 



"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 11 

As if she had power to see 
High things hidden far from me. 
Though grief left its bitter trace, 
There was splendor in her face. 
By the trembling yellow light, 
In the shadows of the night, 
I saw the soul of England. 

And so that inexpressible, intangible, invisible spiritual vitality, 
that is England's second gift to victory. So patient, so uncomplain- 
ing, with such quiet dignity, with such insistence that Britain must 
carry on whatever came, a sort of an incarnate spiritualist granite 
of the lions on Trafalgar square, with a human heart beating in 
them; that is England. 

You must understand that that gift of character, that gift of an 
invisible and priceless strength of purpose, that gift of vision, that 
gift of commitment, that is the fight which has made these four 
years immortal. 

I sat one night in one of the colleges of Oxford, beside the wife 
of the principal of that particular college ; as the fire was glowing in 
front of us, we talked along quietly until at last, somehow, there was 
produced just that atmosphere where it was possible to talk simply 
and really, and she told me the story of that son of hers who had 
given his life in France, and at the same time absolutely unable to 
know even where he rests, and of the fashion in which she had tried 
to get one fact and one detail after another to piece together the 
story of the last heroic hour. And as I sat there in that principal's 
residence in Oxford, with the light playing about that beautiful 
room, and looked into the face of that mother, with the serenity of 
those who have suffered for a cause which has dignified their sor- 
row, and the patience of those who have translated unutterable pain 
into mental and spiritual power, I felt like taking off my sandals 
because I, too, was in the presence of the bush which was burning 
and not consumed ; I, too, was standing upon holy ground. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, the thing that must not happen is 
for any of the superficial or temperamental differences on the day 
of adjustment to hide from our eyes the moral or spiritual splendor 
of these last four years. Of course we are going to have differences. 
We are going to have them honestly; we are going to have them 
frankly, but they are going to be the differences of right and noble 
men who understand each other and believe in each other, so that 
deeper than all the difference there is a unity of common under- 
standing and of common devotion. 

Now, what about the future? I really wonder how many of you 
have ever seen this dream of the British and American life, solidi- 
fied with all the fine idealism of France added, with all the splendor 



12 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETIN 

of a developed Italy, at last with all the gift of a new Russia, and 
some day, please God, with the addition of a regenerated Germany, 
— I wonder if you have seen what that can mean for the world ; and 
I pause a moment on that regenerated Germany because as long as 
the heart of your foe is unconquered, there is a danger left which 
menaces your own life, and Germany itself must be made over spir- 
itually as well as defeated from a miUtary standpoint before the 
world is profoundly safe. Have you thought of how Britain and 
America, the great English speaking peoples, are to move forward 
in this new day? I think something of it came to me in the most 
dramatic experience, perhaps, I had while on the other side, when I 
flew over London in one of the big Handley-Page war planes. There 
were eight of us that afternoon left the field at Herndon, going aboult 
eighty miles an hour, went up and circled round and round over 
London half a mile up in the air, and then came back. It was a 
curious experience. 

In the first place, those Handley-Page machines are so big. I 
had a feeling as we went back and forth over the field that the ma- 
chine could not possibly lift, that it was a great fairy story that any 
machine had lifted, that it would simply move back and forth over 
the ground, and when finally the thing actually lifted in the air, I 
had the supremest physical sensation I ever had in my life. I will 
say that for just superb physical enjoyment I have never known any- 
thing like it. And as we moved up over the city and circled about it, 
a number of things came to me, and that night when I could not sleep 
at all, when all during the hours of the night I was going over that 
experience again, I tried to put in copy some words which would 
show the spiritual meaning of that flight to me : 

FLYING OVER LONDON 

("Written October 2, after a flight over London in a British warplane.) 

The mighty whirling horses of the car 

Plunged madly through the highways of the sky, 

Like homesick meteors from some far star, 

Scorning the world and its low destiny, 

Whom some kind god had given wings to fly 

Back to their planet's distant mystery. 

The winds reached out great leaping arms of power 

Strong in their ancient heritage of might. 

But bent like abject slaves that shake and cower 

In sudden shattering and unmanly fright 

When there uncoils in hissing serpent's spite 

The menace of the lash above their fearful sight. 

The earth sends forth its clutching hands of force 

Which held men chained below in all the years. 

The car climbs upward in its regal course 

Among high-flying birds its only peers. 

It has subdued all crouching human fears 



"BRITAIN'S CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY" 13 

It has fulfilled the daring dreams of seers. 

Widespread below are towns and fields of green 

On to the edges of the purple sea. 

And there in clear distinctness sharply seen 

Is London in her queenly majesty. 

Her spires and palaces and homes you see, 

The heart of a great empire strong and free. 

The silver ribbon of the sparkling Thames 

Winds through the city on its shining way. 

The sunlight glistens as a million gems 

Send from their facets each a glittering ray. 

And by the river in the distance there 

St. Paul's cathedral summons men to prayer. 

We circle grandly o'er the ancient town. 

We taste the triumphs of audacious flight. 

Then strangely presses that most cruel crown 

Whose thorns draw blood in many a far-flung fight. 

For all the world, a tragic, broken star. 

Is held in the remorseless clutches of the war. 

But upward, upward, moves our certain way 

And upward, upward, is the world's bold flight. 

Up from the cruelties of this dread day, 

Up from the heartbreaks of this bitter night; 

Up to the highways of the common good. 

Up to the radiant heights of brotherhood. 

That is the story of the future to be wrought out by the Hberty 
loving peoples of the world, and my last word, the inevitable last 
word, is this : Anybody can be a cynic, anybody can doubt. It takes 
a hero to believe. And civilization survives, carried forward on the 
wings of the dauntless faith of the world's dreamers. 

Now, are we going to settle down into the dull lethargy of heavy 
and uninspired commonplaceness of those incapable of dreaming 
great dreams? Are we going to settle down into the confusing and 
disabling incapacity of those who have lost the soul of splendor out 
of their lives, or are we going to prove that the least we can do to 
deserve these immortal boys who have gone to the heights on a 
chariot of sacrificial fire, is to believe with a new dauntlessness, to 
serve with a new devotion, to love with a new devotion, and to give 
ourselves for the making of a better world ; and standing as we 
stand at the parting of the ways, shall we see Britain, not that Brit- 
ain whose lion's tail some of us liked to twist when we were study- 
ing ancient school books, biit that other Britain of our more ade- 
quate understanding and our more complete investigation, that Brit- 
ain whose garments have been soiled sometimes, but which has 
always risen with a new idealism in its eyes, that Britain whose 
hands have been torn by battle, but always battled towards some- 
thing better, that Britain which sometimes having a superficial cyni- 
cism always cherishes an undying idealism at its heart ? 

I wonder if you know that little allegory written by Maarten 
Maartens, the Dutch author, who says, "Once there was a satirist. 



14 NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY BULLETIN 

and he said so many sarcastic things that his friends killed him, and 
then they stood around him and looked at him, and said, 'This man 
just treated the world like a football, he always kicked it' And the 
dead man opened his left eye : 'Yes,' he said. 'I did kick the world, 
but I always kicked it toward the goal.' " 

After all, the best thing I can say for Britain is that even when 
Great Britain has gone upon the football field to kick the world, 
somehow it has turned out that the world has been kicked toward 
the goal. 

And so, together the master of the idealism of a great common- 
wealth and the dreaming, dauntless exponent of a new world's 
eager hope will go out upon the highway of that nobler future which 
is to be, and together, please God, will make the world a good 
world for little children to live in, a good world for babies and 
mothers who hold the babies in their arms, a good world for com- 
mon men and common women and little peoples, a good world with 
the mighty solidarity of the imperishable consecration of the Eng- 
lish speaking world to liberty and democracy, holding steady and 
true all the mighty engineery of the life on this planet ; together 
then, Britain and America, together today, together in all the glad 
tomorrows that are to be. 



FINIS 




Northwestern University 

Evanston — Chicago 



<f THE COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS, in Evanston, offers 
well organized courses for general education, with special 
preparation for the professions and for other pursuits re- 
quiring broad training. 

Cff THE GRADUATE SCHOOL, in Evanston, extends non- 
professional training and research beyond the College cur- 
riculum, with courses leading to advanced degrees. 

q THE MEDICAL SCHOOL, in Chicago, is one of the best 
equipped in the United States and its reputation for effi- 
ciency is well-established. Numerous hospitals in close 
proximity are open to students. Clinical material is 
abundant. 

<]f THE LAW SCHOOL, in Chicago, offers unexcelled library 
and research facilities. Its courses leading to degrees pre- 
pare for practice in any state. 

q THE COLLEGE OF ENGINEERING, on the campus in 
Evanston, offers a five-year course of technical training in a 
University environment, leading to the degrees of Bachelor 
of Science and Civil Engineer or Electrical Engineer. 

m THE DENTAL SCHOOL, in Chicago, is recognized as 
one of the leading schools for dental training and investi- 
gation. Its clinical facilities are unsurpassed. 

<f THE SCHOOL OF MUSIC in three well-equipped build- 
ings offers exceptional advantages for the thorough study 
of music, professional or otherwise. It is located in 
Evanston. 

q THE SCHOOL OF COMMERCE, in Chicago and Evan- 
ston, offers professional and scientific education for busi- 
ness with emphasis on the training of business executives. 
Day and evening work, laboratory courses, and business 
research. 

q THE SCHOOL OF ORATORY, in Evanston, is unique 
in having university relations. It offers a well arranged 
course in interpretative literature, and a special course in 
Physical Education for teachers. 

For information regarding any school of the University, 
address the President's Office, Northwestern University 
Building, Chicago, Illinois. 



LlBRflRV OF CONGRESS 




021 546 548 2 



NORTHWESTERN 
UNI VE RSI TY 
BULLETIN 

is published weekly during 
the academic year at Chi- 
cago, Illinois. Entered as 
Second Class Matter Nov- 
ember 21, 1913, at the Post 
Office at Chicago, Illinois, 
under Act of Congress of 
August 24, 1912. Accepted 
for mailing at special rate 
of postage provided for in 
Section 1103, Act of Octo- 
ber 3, 1917, authorized on 
June 14, 1918. 



.Hi 



\ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



021 546 548 2 



